镜泊湖的导游词
❶ 请你为镜泊湖写一份导游词，重点介绍吊水楼瀑布和地下森林的美丽景象
风光秀丽的镜泊湖婉如一颗璀夺目的明珠镶嵌在祖国北缰上，它以独特的朴素无华的自然美闻名于世，吸引越来越多的国内外游人。
镜泊湖，历史上称阿卜湖，又称阿卜隆湖，后改称呼尔金海，唐玄宗开元元年（公元713年）称忽汗海，明志始呼镜泊湖，清朝称为毕尔腾湖。今仍通称镜泊湖，意为清平如镜。镜泊湖位于黑龙江省东南部张广才岭与老爷岭之间，即宁安市西南50公里处，距牡丹江市区110公里，它是大约一万年前，
约在第四纪的中晚期火山爆发，玄武岩浆堵塞牡丹江道而形成的火山熔岩堰塞湖泊。湖深平均为40米，由南向北逐渐加深，最深处达62米，湖身纵长50公里，最宽处9公里，最窄处枯水期也有300米，全湖分为北湖、中湖、南湖、和上湖四个湖区，
总面积90。3平方公里。由西南至东北走向，蜿蜒曲折，呈S型，湖岸多港湾，湖中大小岛屿星罗棋布，而最著名的湖中八大景却犹如八颗光彩照人的明珠镶嵌在这条飘在万绿丛中的缎带上。这最著名的八大景是-吊水楼瀑布，大孤山、小孤山、白石砬子、城墙砬子、珍珠门、道士山和老鸪砬子。镜泊湖原始天然，风韵奇秀。山重水复，曲径通幽。动人的传说，更为这北方的名湖，增添了神奇的色彩
❷ 镜泊湖的风土人情和神话故事
镜泊湖：
相关传说
红罗女的故事
相传很久很久以前，牡丹江畔住着一个美丽善良的红罗女。她有一面宝镜。哪里的人们有苦难，她只要用宝镜一照，便可以消灾弭祸。这件事传到了天庭，引起了王母娘娘的忌妒，她派天神盗走了宝镜。红罗女上天索取，发生了争执，宝镜从天上掉了下来，就变成了镜泊湖。
镜泊湖珍珠门的传说
珍珠门风景如现，景色迷人，两座小礁山宛若荷叶上浮动的晶莹露珠，熠熠发光。这里世代相传着许多盛产珍珠的故事。据说古时候珍珠门岛上有家孙氏店房，过往者皆在此投宿。夏日一天傍晚，一位衣衫褴褛的人来到店中，声称闯关东取三宝，积蓄点钱与相爱的姑娘成亲。不久他果然发了财，可是却迟迟不肯回去成亲。
一天，午夜时分，店主突然钓到一个蛤蜊，劈开后，见一颗珍珠闪闪发光，把昏黑的小屋照得通明。那人一见垂涎三尺。他骗过店主，廉价收买了这颗珍珠，又趁月夜来到店主得珠的地方甩钩垂钓。顷刻间，只见鱼竿猛地一抖，他用力把鱼竿拉到岸上，看见钓上来一只比碾盘还大的蛤蜊，在刚刚合扰的缝隙间还闪着金光。但当他刚要动手摘珠时，大蛤蜊却一下又滚回湖中，并将鱼竿也拽进水里。
那贪婪的人不肯罢休，不顾一切地跳下水去，紧紧抓住鱼竿不放，结果葬身湖中。
❸ 高分求镜泊湖英文导游词
The southern shore of Lake Jingbo, an unprecedented scenic beautyspot in Manchuria, is home to a small village called Nanhutou, which means village on the southern tip of the lake.
The village Beihutou is located on its northern shore. Several miles up, River Xiaojiaqi flows into Lake Jingbo: here you used to come across two old log-cabins in a deep valley at the foot of a mountain. We held a meeting in February 1936 in one of them. I was told that it is difficult now to determine the site of the cabin owing to the surrounding thick grass and trees but 50 or 60 years ago a tall ash tree and pine-nut tree stood in front of that cabin, serving as a reference point for all those who were coming to the meeting place. The developments in the latter half of the I 930s can be traced back to this cabin known by our historians as the "log-cabin on River Xiaojiaqi".
In mid-February 1936, on the eve of Usu (the day of the first rains in the year) after Ripchun (the day when spring begins) we made our way to this place, after the second expedition to north Manchuria. It marked the beginning of spring according to the calendar, but the biting cold of north Manchuria was still rife and the wild continental wind whipped against us.
Now and then the sound of breaking ice rang out on Lake Jingbo, accompanied by the reverberations of oaks and birches cracking from the cold in the thick forests along River Xiaojiaqi. It was so cold there that even our experienced cooks could not boil rice in the open-air kitchen. Whereas the rice at the bottom of the pot burnt to a cinder, the rice in the upper layer would not boil, affected by the biting cold of 400C below zero.
North Manchuria still impinges on me as the one place in my life, where I ate half-cooked food more often than anywhere else.
Almost four years had passed, since we had launched the war against the Japanese imperialists. Our revolutionary force had grown on a large scale in its military and political aspects, and the future looked bright. The anti-Japanese revolution had experienced a thorny path, and was now clearly advancing dynamically towards a fresh turning-point.
As I hastened towards Nanhutou to meet Wei Zheng-min, without a rest from the expedition, various thoughts of our revolutionary prospects surged inside me.
I had waited eagerly throughout the expedition in north Manchuria and also ring our days in Xiaojiaqihe after the expedition for the envoys who had been sent to Moscow half a year earlier. The major issue Wei Zheng-min was to bring to the attention of the Comintern by the decision of the Yaoyinggou meeting was apparently about the "Minsaengdan" case in which thousands of Korean communists in east Manchuria had been removed, but, in essence, it was about the independent nature of the Korean revolution. In other words, it was about whether the Korean communists' struggle under the slogan of the Korean revolution was right or wrong, legitimate or illegitimate, or whether it contradicted the Comintern principle of one party for one country. From today's stand-point, it is natural and does not leave even a shadow of a doubt about its validity, but at that time, when the Corn-intern existed and the principle of one party for one country was regarded as inviolable, it was a complicated and serious issue, what defied a ready answer, but was vital to our destiny.
The tenacious argument of people, who wielded the principle of one party for one country, the contention that the Korean communists' struggle for the Korean revolution constituted a heretic act unworthy of a communist, and a factional practice alien to the Party, was terrible. They said, "A communist is an internationalist. How can he be preoccupied with the thought of his country, which lacks a Party of its own and be captivated by a narrow nationalist idea, instead of devoting himself to the revolution of the country whose Party he belongs to?
This is the same attitude, expressed by the revisionists who adhered to the 'defense of the fatherland' slogan in the days of the Second International. Lenin labeled them traitors and enemies of the cause of socialism and communism and condemned them. If you Korean communists continue to insist on the Korean revolution, you could also be labeled traitors and enemies of the cause of socialism. Consequently, you would be wise not to act rashly."
Naturally enough, I was not that worried about this matter, and in a sense can say that I already had a rough estimate of the answer Wei Zheng-min would bring, because our opinion was just and Wei had understood it fully. I had no doubt that Comintern officials would approve the appeal we had submitted on the fundamental issues of the Korean revolution.
My conviction that the Comintern would treat our problems fairly was both based on the consistent belief that our appeal to Moscow through Wei conformed in all aspects with the revolution's principles and interests and related to the situation at that time, when the Comintern was seeking a new line.
Until 1919, when the Communist International was organized by Lenin, the Russian Communist Party was the only political party of the working class in power. The revolutionary left-wing broke with the revisionist Social Democratic Parties of the Second International and formed Communist Parties. However, they were very young in both ideological and organizational aspects and still not strong enough to independently carry out revolution in their own countries.
The victory of the socialist revolution in Russia sparked vigorous struggles to break the chains of capitalism and establish Soviet republics on a world-wide scale, but these efforts were frustrated. Despite the favorable objective situation, created by the emergence of the first socialist state in history, the revolutionary forces of each country were not sufficiently prepared to overcome the enemy and gain a conclusive victory.
In these circumstances, the communists all over the world were compelled to reorganize the international communist movement and unite organizationally with newly-emergent Russia and the Russian Communist Party as the axis. They had to establish the principle of democratic centralism in the form of the Comintern organization and mode of its activities to make sure that the parties and revolutionary movements in separate countries obeyed unconditionally the directives of the international center.
By accepting this requirement in a dogmatic way, some communists revealed a flunkey tendency to blindly follow directives from Moscow, disregarding the revolutionary aims in their own countries and their own national interests; this tendency caused a considerable loss to the revolutionary movement in indivial countries.
However, the revolutionary movement developed and revolutionary forces grew in separate countries under the unified guidance of the Corn-intern. Communists in these countries began to emerge as forces, capable of independently carrying out their revolutions.
From the early 1920s onwards, Communist Parties sprouted in the colonies and semi-colonial countries in Asia and, under their leadership, the national liberation struggles advanced rapidly. The parties of many countries could now have their say and demanded the right to independently define their own lines. It was in actual fact difficult for the Comintern, situated as it was in Moscow at the helm of the world revolution, to formulate policies in good time which would suit the actual situation in many countries of the world's continents or regulate and guide their revolutionary struggles in such a way, as to meet the ever-changing circumstances and conditions. The Comintern, composed of people from various countries, was restricted somewhat in the formulation of lines and policies and in their dissemination.
The international communist movement was beginning to understand the need for a graal change in its organization of revolutionary force and guidance of the struggle's development. Revolution cannot be imported or exported. This fact, coupled with the pressing need to unite the revolutionary efforts of each country into one single force, aroused the communists in every country to the need to establish Juche, formulating and implementing their own line and maintain their party's independence. This change in the situation constituted an important guarantee, that the Comintern would confirm the independent nature of the Korean revolution.
When he set off for the Soviet Union via Hunchun in summer 1935, Wei Zheng-min promised to return via Harbin or Muling and meet me in Ningan. Consequently we planned to go to Ningan after the Emu campaign. At around the time when we hurried to Nanhutou, the fascist threat was looming ever larger on the international scene. The Spanish Civil War was developing into a violent war and was assuming an international character, owing to the fascists' overt armed intervention.
Japan was to be the hotbed of a new war in the East. She was being precipitated towards militarism. With the formation of the Saito Cabinet in the wake of the "May 15 incident" in 1932, Japan's party politics came to an end and the country was placed under the rule of a military cabinet. Japan thereby vehemently told the world, without the slightest hesitation, that “war is the father of creation and the mother of culture The fascist trend in Japan culminated in the coup of February 26, 1936, at the time when we planned to convene the meeting at Nanhutou.
The incident finally led to the oppressive phase, where the doctrine of overseas aggression, advocated by the junior officers' group, began to be implemented. The young officers, 1,000 non-commissioned officers and men who took part in the coup, assaulted the residences of the Prime Minister and several of the ministers, killing or seriously wounding important government officials, including the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, the Minister of Finance, the Inspector-General of Military Ecation and the Grand Chamberlain; they occupied the Metropolitan Police Agency, the Ministry of War, the General Staff Office and the residence of the Minister of War, thereby gaining control of the "heart of Japanese politics". The coup, staged under the slogan of "respecting the Emperor and eliminating treacherous subjects", was put down in four days. The political confusion was smoothed over by the execution of the master-minds behind the plot. This, however, constituted a danger signal of the rampage of Japanese militarism.
The incident on February 26, a proct of conflicts among Japanese military circles, between the Imperial Way and Control factions, proved the grave stage of Japan's impending fascism and marked the advent of a military dictatorship. The maneuvers of the militarist force inside Japan itself implied the danger that they would launch a new war and larger-scale military actions.
Keeping a vigilant eye on the developments in Japan, we re-examined our fighting strategy in a bid to anticipate their consequences. Although the coup failed, it clearly demonstrated the outrageous nature of Japanese militarism in its participation in Japan's domestic politics and its aggressive intentions towards other countries. In actual fact Japan provoked the Sino-Japanese War less than a year and a half later and precipitated a still greater aggression.
The emergence of fascism in Japan weighed more heavily upon Korea, her colony. A frenzied campaign was launched on the Korean peninsula to wipe out all that was Korean and crush all forms of anti-Japanese struggle and anti-Japanese elements. To use Korean language instead of Japanese, wear white clothes instead of dyed colors and failure to hoist the Hinomaru (the national flag of Japan), visit the shrines, learn the "Pledge of the Imperial Subjects", or put on geta (Japanese wooden sandals) - these acts were all termed anti-Japanese, anti-state and treacherous behavior accompanied by a fine or penalty, arrest or even imprisonment.
Some former proponents of patriotism now abandoned the last vestiges of their conscience in this violent campaign of national extinction, became turncoats and declaimed that "Japan and Korea were one" and that "the Japanese and Koreans came from the same stock", in order to save their skins. Patriots were murdered while traitors cut a wide swathe. The whole of Korea was being stifled.
This suppressive situation made it imperative for us to move to Mt. Paektu and demonstrate that Korea was alive, Korea was fighting and that Korea would survive. These shocking changes occurred successively at home and abroad around the time when we met at Nanhutou.
These developments were indeed oppressive, but they did not depress us. I was convinced that we could defeat the Japanese imperialists, if we moved the armed struggle deep into the homeland.
The march was arous and exhausting, but the men's spirits were high, as they anticipated the advance to the Mt. Paektu area. It was probably ring our march to Nanhutou that we debated the significant lessons of the legend of Zhenzhumen village, situated off Lake Jingbo. It is a very interesting legend. A poor man and his daughter once lived in the village of Zhenzhu men on Lake Jingbo. The daughter, nearly twenty years of age, was a rare beauty. and all the young men around wanted to marry her.
Her father had been endowed with the divine gift of seeing through waters of any depth. He once told his daughter, “While angling the other day, I saw a golden mirror lying deep in the lake. To retrieve that mirror, I must first get rid of a three-headed monster living in the water. To do this, however, I need a very brave and bold assistant. I've been trying to work out these days how to find a suitable assistant."
His tiful daughter answered, "I will marry the young man who helps you bring out that mirror."
He backed his daughter's idea. He disseminated the rumor about his daughter's decision in the neighboring villages. Many young men came to Zhenzhumen on hearing the rumor. However, when they heard the man s plan to get the mirror, none of them expressed a readiness to become his assistant. However, one young man whose surname was Yang, volunteered. The old man and his daughter accepted his offer at once and promised him that the girl would marry the lad if they managed to bring back the mirror.
One fine day the man went to the lakeside with the young man. After rowing out onto the lake, the man gave the lad three swords - large, medium and small - and said, "When I come to the surface for the first time, you must give me the small sword, the second time - the medium one, and the third time - the large one. When you hand me the swords, you must act as quick as lightning. Don't be frightened. If you take to flight in fright, before getting the mirror out, both you and I will die.”
The boy comforted him, saying, "Please don't worry, sir."
Soon the man jumped into the water. The lad sitting in the boat gazed into the water's depths, and the girl on the shore watched him. A few moments later the man's pale face broke surface. The boy swiftly handed him the small sword, as he had been told. The man dived into the water with the sword. The lake then began to surge in the depths. The man rose to the surface with one of the bleeding monster's heads, as large as a man's, and disappeared into the water with the second sword.
In a few minutes, the lake ran high and the waves rose and seemed about to capsize the boat. The man, who was stained with blood emerged, this time holding another of the monster's heads, the size of a horse's, and plunged again into the surging water with a third sword. Thunder boomed in the sky and the waves raged. The boat rolled heavily on the waves, as if it were sinking. At this horrible sight, the girl on the shore felt as if her heart had stopped beating. She was so tense and fretful that she held her breath.
The lad became deranged and rowed the boat with all his might towards the shore, forsaking his promise to the man and his attachment for the girl, who had been watching him. Enraged, the girl shouted at him, stamping her foot, and persuaded him to turn the boat back; she climbed in and rowed with the lad to the center of the lake in search of her father. The wind and raging waves subsided, but the man was nowhere to be seen. The boy and girl called out for him again and again, but the man died in the water and therefore there was no reply. The girl tearfully reproached the boy for breaking his promise. Quarrelling, having no idea of the time, they both disappeared in the fog.
Although the story varies a little from village to village, or from Emu to Ningan, this is the general outline. Apparently the name of Lake Jingho originated from the Zhenzhumen legend. On hearing the legend we thought deeply about loyalty and a self-sacrificing spirit. My comrades cursed the young man as disloyal and cowardly. The legend affected them tremendously. Whenever a coward appeared in our ranks, the guerrillas would condemn him as “the boy Yang on Lake Jingbo".
To discuss measures and decide how to cope with the urgent historic tasks raised by the country and the nation, whose destiny was at stake, I considered it necessary to convene a meeting of military and political cadres of the Korean People's Revolutionary Army at Xiaojiaqihe, before leaving for Mt. Paektu.
One evening in mid-February, when I was putting the finishing touches to the draft report for the meeting and waiting for the envoys, who had gone to Moscow, the door of the log-cabin was flung open and Wei Zheng-min appeared before me.
He apologized profusely for arriving later than schele, explaining that he had been laid up in hospital for a few months. Although he arrived late, he was met with our congratulations for returning to Manchuria, after recovering from his illness. He looked much better now, probably because he had been to Moscow. I could guess just by looking at his composed air that his trip had been successful.
Wei's return journey had not been smooth. He arrived in Ningan via Harbin by rail and met the comrades of the 5th Corps of Zhou Baozhong; on his way to Nanhutou he had been stopped near Wangou village by the patrol police. After a short interrogation, the policemen had suspected him and wanted to take him to their substation. Wei was carrying important documents from the Comintern in his bundle; everything would have been ruined if he had been taken to the station. He gave the policemen 50 yuan , and they let him go.
Wei said jokingly that he had thought his body would be worth tens of thousands of yuan but it turned out that it was only worth 50 yuan.
For some strange reason, he said: "Let me shake your hand once more, Comrade Kim Il Sung." "We've just shaken hands. What's it all about?" I asked, puzzled.
"I want to congratulate you on one matter. This is a significant handshake. So, be happy, Comrade Kim Il Sung. After a serious discussion on the matters you've raised, the Comintern concluded that your opinions are all correct and issued some important directives backing them. Everything was settled just as the Korean communists desired."
Feeling tears welling up in my eyes, despite myself, I grabbed Wei's two hands. "Is that true?"
"Yes. The Comintern criticized the east Manchuria Party committee for committing such grave Leftist mistakes in its struggle with the 'Minsaengdan' and other activities. All the senior officials of the Comintern and its Chinese Communist Party representatives expressed the same opinion on this matter.
“But most importantly, the Comintern has recognized the inalienable and inviolable right of the Korean communists to be solely responsible for the Korean revolution and has given its support to the revolution. The Comintern ga
❹ 镜泊湖的神话传说
相传，红罗女原本是镜泊湖边渔夫之女，姿容绝世，善吹箫，能歌舞。因入宫盗龙泉宝剑而被迫成为古渤海国王的妃子，倍受宠爱。
湖怪黑鱼精变身人形，进入宫中成了妖妃，惑乱宫廷，镜泊湖兴风作浪，让百姓不得安生。红罗女为朝廷除恶，为民除害，降妖平湖，而流尽最后一滴血。
镜泊湖，中国最大、世界第二大高山堰塞湖，位于中国黑龙江省牡丹江市宁安市境西南部的松花江支流牡丹江干流上，距宁安市50公里，海拔 351米。
(4)镜泊湖的导游词扩展阅读
镜泊湖，为牡丹江干流上的火山熔岩堰塞湖。镜泊湖水源于牡丹江。牡丹江，古称忽汗水、瑚尔哈河。发源于吉林省敦化市西南部的牡丹岭，自西南蜿转流入境内。
由大河口处注入镜泊湖，从湖的东北瀑布处流出，在县境北部的范家乡后腰龙屯正北 2公里处流入牡丹江市郊区的温春镇管辖区内。
另有大小约30多条河流，呈向心式汇入湖中。从南湖头入湖的诸水：东南注入者有大石头河、松乙河、房身河、小加吉河等四水。
从湖 西南入湖的水有通敦化县南岭和通额穆镇等二水汇于湖之西南的三岔河口，经贡鱼泡及其它各 泡在老黑山西入湖，名曰大河口；湖之西部注入者日威呼(满语独木河)，入湖处有悬崖陡壁， 名日呼布图峰。
❺ 请你当一回小导游,介绍一下镜泊湖的地下森林
镜泊湖位于黑龙江省牡丹江市宁安市，是中国最大、世界第二大高山堰塞湖，旅游、避暑和疗养胜地，国家级重点风景名胜区，国际生态旅游度假避暑胜地，世界地质公园。以湖光山色为主，兼有火山口地下原始森林、地下熔岩隧道等地质奇观。
镜泊湖地下森林公园又称“火山口原始森林”，和镜泊湖区1200多平方公里的面积共同列为国家级自然保护区，位于黑龙江省牡丹江市境内镜泊湖西北约50公里处，坐落在张广才岭东南坡的深山内。
镜泊湖到地下森林公园相距20公里，旺季有旅游车专线，也可包车前往。具体路线见下图。
❻ 镜泊湖市的介绍
镜泊湖市为1986年7月1日黑龙江省拟设市。位于黑龙江省东南部，宁安县境内。
❼ 镜泊湖的具体介绍
镜泊湖，中国最大、世界第二大高山堰塞湖，位于中国黑龙江省牡丹江市宁安市境西南部的松花江支流牡丹江干流上，距宁安市50公里，海拔 351米。
湖水深度平均为40米。常年一般水位 最高353.65米，最低345.61米，年平均流量每秒 9.2立方米至10立方米，蓄水量16.25 亿立方米。注入湖泊的河流除牡丹江干流外，还有大梨树沟河、尔站西沟河等小河流。
镜泊湖是著名旅游、避暑和疗养胜地，全国文明风景旅游区示范点，国家重点风景名胜区，国际生态旅游度假避暑胜地，世界地质公园。
镜泊湖国家级风景名胜区由百里长湖景区、火山口原始森林景区、渤海国上京龙泉府遗址景区三部分组成，总体规划面积为1726平方公里。
景区以湖光山色为主，兼有火山口地下原始森林、地下熔岩隧道等地质奇观，及唐代渤海国遗址为代表的历史人文景观，是可供科研、避暑、游览、观光、度假和文化交流活动的综合性景区。
镜泊湖于1982年被国务院首批审定为国家级重点风景名胜区，2006年被世界教科文组织评为世界地质公园（园区规划面积1400平方公里）。
2008年被国际休闲产业协会、联合国国际生态安全合作组织、中国国际名牌协会评为中国十佳休闲旅游胜地，2010年被国家旅游局评为国家AAAAA级旅游区。
(7)镜泊湖的导游词扩展阅读：
镜泊湖在《汉书·地理志》中，被称为湄沱河，唐高宗永徽二年（公元652年），称阿卜河（又名阿卜隆湖），后称呼尔海金，唐玄宗开元元年（公元713年）称呼汗海，明志始称镜泊湖，清称毕尔腾湖，今仍称镜泊湖。
公元755年，渤海国从吉林省境内，迁都至今天的渤海镇，建首府“上京龙泉府”。公元928年，渤海国被契丹所灭，都城被毁。
历史上镜泊湖一带的居民主要是肃慎族及其后裔。据中国史书记载：“周武王十五年（公元前1666年）和周成王九年（公元前1654年），均有肃慎氏来朝纳贡”。西汉挹娄、北魏时的勿吉、隋唐的秣赫、宋元时女真、满族都是肃慎族的后代和支族。
抗日战争时期，日本人曾在镜泊湖一带搞过多项调查，伐木、发掘文物古迹，建发电厂，抗联英雄也曾在这一带活动。解放后，这里的主要居民是汉族、朝鲜族和满族。